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		<title>Inheritance Rights: A Constitutional Perspective</title>
		<link>https://startequal.org/inheritance-rights-a-constitutional-perspective</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Jan-Marten Veddeler]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 04 Nov 2024 17:32:03 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Analysis & Proposals]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[constitutional rights]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[inheritance]]></category>
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					<description><![CDATA[<a href="https://startequal.org/inheritance-rights-a-constitutional-perspective" title="Inheritance Rights: A Constitutional Perspective" rel="nofollow"><img width="500" height="286" src="https://startequal.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/DALL·E-2024-11-04-18.21.42-A-WordPress-blog-header-image-illustrating-the-tension-between-inheritance-rights-and-equality-as-constitutional-principles--500x286.webp" class="webfeedsFeaturedVisual wp-post-image" alt="Abstract image of a scale balancing &#039;Equality&#039; and &#039;Freedom,&#039; with constitutional text fragments faintly visible, symbolizing the tension between inheritance rights and social equality" style="display: block; margin: auto; margin-bottom: 5px;max-width: 100%;" link_thumbnail="1" decoding="async" srcset="https://startequal.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/DALL·E-2024-11-04-18.21.42-A-WordPress-blog-header-image-illustrating-the-tension-between-inheritance-rights-and-equality-as-constitutional-principles--500x286.webp 500w, https://startequal.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/DALL·E-2024-11-04-18.21.42-A-WordPress-blog-header-image-illustrating-the-tension-between-inheritance-rights-and-equality-as-constitutional-principles--1024x585.webp 1024w, https://startequal.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/DALL·E-2024-11-04-18.21.42-A-WordPress-blog-header-image-illustrating-the-tension-between-inheritance-rights-and-equality-as-constitutional-principles--768x439.webp 768w, https://startequal.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/DALL·E-2024-11-04-18.21.42-A-WordPress-blog-header-image-illustrating-the-tension-between-inheritance-rights-and-equality-as-constitutional-principles--1536x878.webp 1536w, https://startequal.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/DALL·E-2024-11-04-18.21.42-A-WordPress-blog-header-image-illustrating-the-tension-between-inheritance-rights-and-equality-as-constitutional-principles-.webp 1792w" sizes="(max-width: 500px) 100vw, 500px" /></a>Sometimes, if all other arguments fail, defenders of inheritance will point towards the constitution and argue that its simply legally not possible to substantially or fully tax/abolish inheritance. Indeed many though by far not all constitutions explicitly acknowledge the right to bequeath, mostly alongside provisions about private property rights. Protected indeed Here’s an overview of...]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<a href="https://startequal.org/inheritance-rights-a-constitutional-perspective" title="Inheritance Rights: A Constitutional Perspective" rel="nofollow"><img width="500" height="286" src="https://startequal.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/DALL·E-2024-11-04-18.21.42-A-WordPress-blog-header-image-illustrating-the-tension-between-inheritance-rights-and-equality-as-constitutional-principles--500x286.webp" class="webfeedsFeaturedVisual wp-post-image" alt="Abstract image of a scale balancing &#039;Equality&#039; and &#039;Freedom,&#039; with constitutional text fragments faintly visible, symbolizing the tension between inheritance rights and social equality" style="display: block; margin: auto; margin-bottom: 5px;max-width: 100%;" link_thumbnail="1" decoding="async" srcset="https://startequal.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/DALL·E-2024-11-04-18.21.42-A-WordPress-blog-header-image-illustrating-the-tension-between-inheritance-rights-and-equality-as-constitutional-principles--500x286.webp 500w, https://startequal.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/DALL·E-2024-11-04-18.21.42-A-WordPress-blog-header-image-illustrating-the-tension-between-inheritance-rights-and-equality-as-constitutional-principles--1024x585.webp 1024w, https://startequal.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/DALL·E-2024-11-04-18.21.42-A-WordPress-blog-header-image-illustrating-the-tension-between-inheritance-rights-and-equality-as-constitutional-principles--768x439.webp 768w, https://startequal.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/DALL·E-2024-11-04-18.21.42-A-WordPress-blog-header-image-illustrating-the-tension-between-inheritance-rights-and-equality-as-constitutional-principles--1536x878.webp 1536w, https://startequal.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/DALL·E-2024-11-04-18.21.42-A-WordPress-blog-header-image-illustrating-the-tension-between-inheritance-rights-and-equality-as-constitutional-principles-.webp 1792w" sizes="(max-width: 500px) 100vw, 500px" /></a>		<div data-elementor-type="wp-post" data-elementor-id="3720" class="elementor elementor-3720">
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									<p>Sometimes, if all other arguments fail, defenders of inheritance will point towards the constitution and argue that its simply legally not possible to substantially or fully tax/abolish inheritance. Indeed many though by far not all constitutions explicitly acknowledge the right to bequeath, mostly alongside provisions about private property rights.</p><p><span style="color: var(--global-palette3); font-family: var(--global-heading-font-family); font-size: 20px; font-weight: bold;">Protected indeed</span></p><p>Here’s an overview of some European constitutional references to the right to bequeath or inherit:<a href="#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1"><sup>[1]</sup></a></p><ul><li>Bulgaria / Art. 17.(1): “The right to property and inheritance shall be guaranteed and protected by law.”</li><li>Croatia / Article 48: “The right of inheritance shall be guaranteed.”</li><li>Czechia / Article 11 (1): “Inheritance is guaranteed.”</li><li>Estonia / Article 32; “Succession of property is guaranteed.”</li><li>Germany / Article 14 (1): “Property and the right of inheritance shall be guaranteed.”</li><li>Hungary / Article XIII (1): “Everyone shall have the right to property and inheritance.”</li><li>Italy / Article 42: “The law establishes the regulations and limits of legitimate and testamentary inheritance and the rights of the State in matters of inheritance.”</li><li>Ireland / Article 43.1.2. “The State accordingly guarantees to pass no law attempting to abolish the right of private ownership or the general right to transfer, bequeath, and inherit property.”</li><li>Poland / Article 21.1: “The Republic of Poland shall protect ownership and the right of succession.”</li><li>Slovakia / Article 20 (1): “The right of inheritance is guaranteed.”</li><li>Slovenia / Article 33: “The right to private property and inheritance shall be guaranteed.”</li><li>Spain / Section 33 (1): “The right to private property and inheritance is recognized.”</li></ul><p>Some constitutions also carry further elements that indirectly protect bequests and inheritance. As an example, Article 6 of the German constitution (Grundgesetz) protects the family and in conjunction with Article 14 has usually been used to protect inheritance in the family context specifically. If the family as a special social construct is protected by law, and inheritance is interpreted as a special and necessary expression of family relations, then it may be argued that an additional protective layer of inheritance arises from this.</p><p>Overall, it can be said that it is an established fact that many currently valid constitutions protect the right to bequeath or inherit in one or multiple ways.</p><h3>Limits of protection</h3><p>While many constitutions thus explicitly protect inheritance, nearly all of them also tie this protection to a social function that is to be served. Where private property incl. the right to bequeath or inherit don’t meet a social function, intervention e.g. via taxes is often implicitly or explicitly allowed or called for. Some constitutions, are very clear in this respect:<a href="#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2"><sup>[2]</sup></a></p><ul><li>Bavaria (Germany) / Art. 123 (3): “The inheritance tax shall also serve the purpose of preventing the amassing of huge fortunes by individuals.”</li><li>Germany / Article 14 (1) Property and the right of inheritance shall be guaranteed. Their content and limits shall be defined by the laws. (2) Property entails obligations. Its use shall also serve the public good.</li><li>Hungary / Article XIII (1): “Property shall entail social responsibility.”</li><li>Italy / Art.42: “Private property is recognised and guaranteed by the law, which prescribes the ways it is acquired, enjoyed and its limitations so as to ensure its social function and make it accessible to all.”</li><li>Ireland / “Article 43.2.1. The state recognises, however, that the exercise of the rights mentioned in the foregoing provisions of this article ought, in civil society, to be regulated by the principles of social justice. Article 43.2.2. The state, accordingly, may as occasion requires delimit by law the exercise of the said rights with a view to reconciling their exercise with the exigencies of the common good.”</li><li>Slovenia / Article 67: “The manner in which property is acquired and enjoyed shall be established by law so as to ensure its economic, social and environmental function.”</li><li>Spain / Section 33 (2): “The social function of these rights shall determine the limits of their content”</li></ul><p>Much as inheritance may be backed not only explicitly but also implicitly by protections such as the family, there are also further implicit limitations to the right of inheritance in many constitutions, particularly arising from articles around the equality of citizens and protection against discrimination.</p><ul><li>Germany / Article 3:<br />“(1) All persons shall be equal before the law. […]<br />(3) No person shall be favoured or disfavoured because of sex, parentage, race, language, homeland and origin, faith or religious or political opinions. […]”</li><li>Italy / Art. 3: “All citizens have equal social dignity and are equal before the law, without distinction of sex, race, language, religion, political opinion, personal and social conditions.”</li><li>Portugal / Article 13:<br />“1) All citizens possess the same social dignity and are equal before the law.<br />(2) No one may be privileged, favoured, prejudiced, deprived of any right or exempted from any duty for reasons of ancestry, sex, race, language, territory of origin, religion, political or ideological beliefs, education, economic situation, social circumstances or sexual orientation.”</li></ul><p>It can be challenged how those equality principles can ever be in line with inheritance. If am born into really poor conditions, do I also enjoy the same “social dignity” as a fellow citizen from rich background?<sup><a href="#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3">[3]</a></sup> Am I not “disfavoured” because of my “parentage” then, and the rich fellow is “privileged […] for reasons of ancestry”?</p><p>It seems there may be an inherent (and probably intended) conflict here in many constitutions which allow for partial taxation of inheritance as a means to combine the explicit acknowledgement of inheritance rights on the hand side, and the social purpose, dignity and equality component on the other side. If our constitutions partially allow, partially prohibit/limit inheritance, what level of inheritance taxation may then be appropriate (in the given constitutional settings)? One could argue, anything in the broad range and dimension of 50%<a href="#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4"><sup>[4]</sup></a> may strike a simple balance between total confiscation/abolition (100%) and full allowance of inheritance with 0% tax. Given that we currently have effective inheritance tax rates of around 1-5% in most countries, there is a massive potential for increased inheritance tax rates.</p><p>As the violations of equality and social dignity become much worse the larger the inheritance, and may be more negligible in low ranges of inheritance, progressive rates beyond 50% may also still be well compatible with current constitutions. This would also be in line with the common ability-to-pay principle in taxation, where higher inheritance volumes of course imply a higher ability to pay. Tax rates beyond 50% may be justified also on the grounds that economic inheritance is only one of the inherited privileges alongside cultural and biological privileges. Given that the state can only meaningfully control economic inheritance, but not cultural and biological, inheritance tax rates beyond 50% may be justified to compensate for these other dimensions. Along these lines, one could argue that 100% inheritance tax may be justified as a means to satisfy equality and social dignity concerns, and that leaving sociocultural and biologically inherited privileges untouched can then be interpreted as respecting the constitutionally protected inheritance. However, in the context of the current constitutions who treat inheritance purely financial in the context of private property, such thinking maybe a bit too creative an accounting. This doesn’t undermine its moral and theoretical value, but it may just not be applicable to the current day constitutions.</p><h3>Constitutional Change</h3><p>As seen above, many constitutions are inconclusive when it comes to inheritance and bequeathing. There is explicit acknowledgement and protection, but also multiple and strong limitations and potential for taxation. However, for a confiscatory inheritance tax of 100% or more (to make up for sociocultural and biological privilege), it may well be that a constitutional adaptation would be required. The following is to show that such constitutional change does not require a revolution, has happened throughout history in many cases, and could well also be the path forward for inheritance taxation or abolishment of private inheritance.</p><p>Constitutions are not immutable; they evolve with societal values, economic structures, and shifts in political thought. Throughout history, constitutions have been amended or reinterpreted to accommodate new perspectives on social justice, property, and equality. For example, the United States Constitution underwent significant amendments to abolish slavery and introduce equal protection under the law. Similarly, many European constitutions introduced social welfare rights and tax reforms in the aftermath of the Second World War, recognizing that individual wealth could not be sustained independently of society’s welfare.</p><p>Thomas Piketty highlights how constitutional change is often shaped by pragmatic choices rather than strict adherence to established law. He notes that France has seen around ten regime changes since 1789, with each shift disregarding the rules of the previous system. One prominent example is the constitutional amendment in 1962 under the Fifth Republic, where President Charles de Gaulle introduced a referendum to establish direct presidential elections. This process technically violated the constitution since it bypassed the approval of both legislative chambers, a requirement for such changes. Nonetheless, de Gaulle’s decision was ratified by the Constitutional Council, which he himself had appointed, illustrating a flexible approach to constitutional law in response to political pressures. <a href="#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5"><sup>[5]</sup></a> This example highlights that constitutions can—and often do—evolve through informal or even controversial reinterpretations. Such flexibility could support future arguments for substantial inheritance tax reform, suggesting that constitutional adaptations, while challenging, are achievable when political momentum is strong enough.</p><p>If we look back into our modern history, we do find quite some examples of substantial constitutional adaptation across the globe:</p><ul><li>United States / 1865 / 13<sup>th</sup> amendment: The abolishment of slavery</li><li>United States / 1905 / 16<sup>th</sup> amendment: Introduction of modern income tax</li><li>United States / 1920 / 19<sup>th</sup> amendment; Women&#8217;s right to vote</li><li>Germany / 1956 / Article 87a GG: Reintroduction of military service and the establishment of armed defence forces (Bundeswehr)</li><li>Canada / 1982 / Constitution Act, 1982 / Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms; Rights of the Aboriginal peoples of Canada;</li><li>Finland / 1995 / 1995 Act (206/1995): Expanding of fundamental human rights provisions, including freedom of association and right to work. Section 5 (equality before law) has been expanded to prohibit inequality before law on the grounds of sex, origin, language, religion, conviction, opinion, state of health, and disability.</li><li>Germany / 2009 / Article 109, paragraph 3 and Article 115 / Balanced budget (Schuldenbremse) amendment, restricting annual structural deficits to 0.35% of GDP</li><li>Norway / 2014 / Revision of Constitution: Adding of various human rights</li><li>Italy / 2022 / Amendments to Articles 9 and 41 of the Constitution: Enhances environmental protections of biodiversity and ecosystems for future generations while restricting private industry from harming health and the environment.</li><li>Belgium / 2024 / Article 7a: Recognising animals as sentient beings.</li></ul><p>Following a Norwegian Constitutional Court justice in a reflection on the 200 year history and evolvement of the Norwegian constitution, we may conclude that constitutional change should be regarded less of an option but actually more of an obligation: “It seems reasonable to suggest that in order for a constitution to stay alive, it must adapt and develop”.<sup><a href="#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6">[6]</a></sup> Much as we can’t imagine a time in which slavery was legal and women were not allowed to vote nowadays, people in the future will be surprised to learn that there were times in which inheritance of privilege was a constitutionally protected right. With animal rights, it’s slowly dawning on us that we are doing something seriously wrong, and the wind of change is slowly blowing through society, politics and now even the constitutions. The same will happen in regards to equality of opportunity, equal starting positions in life and the abolishment of inheritance.</p><h3> References &amp; Further Reading</h3><p><a href="#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1">[1]</a> Taken from European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (EUAFR). EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. Title II</p><p>Freedoms. Article 17 &#8211; Right to property -&gt; National Constitutional Law. https://fra.europa.eu/en/eu-charter/article/17-right-property#national-constitutional-law</p><p><a href="#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2">[2]</a> EUAFR, ibid. and https://www.bayern.landtag.de/fileadmin/Internet_Dokumente/Sonstiges_P/BV_Verfassung_Englisch_formatiert_14-12-16.pdf</p><p><a href="#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3">[3]</a> For a discussion how high inequality and excessive (inherited) wealth can undermine human dignity and self-respect, see Neuhäuser (2018): “Reichtum als Moralisches Problem“. Suhrkamp</p><p><a href="#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4">[4]</a> The German Constitutional Court argued for maximum inheritance rates lower than 50%, at least for family members or small bequests. However, the unclear wording of a “clearly predominant” share that should reach the inheritor creates room for interpretation. A range between 60 and 75% may be described by this term, resulting in maximum inheritance tax rates of 25 to 40%. Cf. German Constitutional Court / BVerfG, „Beschluss des Zweiten Senats vom 22. Juni 1995“ . &#8211; 2 BvR 552/91 -, Rn. 1-42, https://www.bverfg.de/e/rs19950622_2bvr055291.html (1995):  2 BvR 552/91</p><p><a href="#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5">[5]</a> Piketty (2023): „Eine kurze Geschichte der Gleichheit“. C.H.Beck</p><p><a href="#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6">[6]</a> Bardsen (2016): “Interpreting the Norwegian Bill of Rights”. Annual Seminar on Comparative Constitutionalism 21-22 November 2016 Faculty of Law, University of Oslo. https://www.venice.coe.int/CoCentre/Bardsen_Arnfinn_Interpreting_the_NOR_bill_of_rights.pdf</p>								</div>
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		<title>Against Majority Opinion? Equality of Opportunity as a Constitutional Right</title>
		<link>https://startequal.org/against-majority-opinion-equality-of-opportunity-as-a-constitutional-right</link>
					<comments>https://startequal.org/against-majority-opinion-equality-of-opportunity-as-a-constitutional-right#respond</comments>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Jan-Marten Veddeler]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 15 Jan 2023 19:05:45 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Analysis & Proposals]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[constitutional rights]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[dignity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[equality]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[liberty]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://startequal.org/?p=3530</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<a href="https://startequal.org/against-majority-opinion-equality-of-opportunity-as-a-constitutional-right" title="Against Majority Opinion? Equality of Opportunity as a Constitutional Right" rel="nofollow"><img width="300" height="200" src="https://startequal.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/01/american-constitution_flickr_-300x200.jpg" class="webfeedsFeaturedVisual wp-post-image" alt="american constitution. we the people. article 1" style="display: block; margin: auto; margin-bottom: 5px;max-width: 100%;" link_thumbnail="1" decoding="async" srcset="https://startequal.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/01/american-constitution_flickr_-300x200.jpg 300w, https://startequal.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/01/american-constitution_flickr_-768x512.jpg 768w, https://startequal.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/01/american-constitution_flickr_.jpg 799w" sizes="(max-width: 300px) 100vw, 300px" /></a>Can we defend inheritance taxes against majority opinion? This article claims we can, by relying on constitutional rights protecting human dignity, liberty and equality. Abolishing inheritance due to its adverse effect on equality of opportunity may thus be the next evolutionary step of our liberal democracies.
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										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<a href="https://startequal.org/against-majority-opinion-equality-of-opportunity-as-a-constitutional-right" title="Against Majority Opinion? Equality of Opportunity as a Constitutional Right" rel="nofollow"><img width="300" height="200" src="https://startequal.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/01/american-constitution_flickr_-300x200.jpg" class="webfeedsFeaturedVisual wp-post-image" alt="american constitution. we the people. article 1" style="display: block; margin: auto; margin-bottom: 5px;max-width: 100%;" link_thumbnail="1" decoding="async" srcset="https://startequal.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/01/american-constitution_flickr_-300x200.jpg 300w, https://startequal.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/01/american-constitution_flickr_-768x512.jpg 768w, https://startequal.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/01/american-constitution_flickr_.jpg 799w" sizes="(max-width: 300px) 100vw, 300px" /></a>		<div data-elementor-type="wp-post" data-elementor-id="3530" class="elementor elementor-3530">
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									<p>Inheritance taxes are highly unpopular and on global retreat. Country after country is reducing the tax or abolishing it altogether. Politicians supporting this direction are celebrated and successful. Even wealth taxes are more popular than inheritance tax, despite being economically less meaningful and morally more difficult to defend. In short: inheritance tax is a hated tax, a majority of people does not want it (to be increased).</p><p>There is two ways to acknowledge that inheritance tax is unpopular and still uphold the claim to increase it. First, it may be that current public opinion is biased, uninformed and/or irrational in the sense that it does not reflect the interest of the population. In these cases, there could be hope for changing public opinion to support inheritance taxes. The second option is to justify the need for inheritance taxes irrespective of any majority opinion. </p><h4>Changing public opinion</h4><p>It is a fact that public opinion is not in favour of inheritance taxes across large parts of the globe. However, research has shown that if you inform people about the relevance of inheritance, they become more supportive of inheritance taxes.<sup>[1]</sup> Many people know relatively little about inheritance flows, who actually has to pay inheritance tax (a tiny fraction of people) and the socio- economic relevance. This lack of knowledge may partially arise because of the low visibility and secrecy around large-scale inheritance. </p><p>On top of informing people about inheritance, the framing of inheritance and inheritance taxes may also matter for public opinion. There is a solid amount of evidence on the very strong campaigning efforts of narrow interest groups that successfully influenced the narratives around inheritance in many countries.<sup>[2]</sup> Public opinion may thus be altered if politicians or pro-tax interest groups apply equally strong campaigning to correct the narrative that high inheritance tax actually benefit the vast majority, only affect a minority, and that it will not cost jobs and make SMEs go bankrupt.</p><p>In line with the framing and campaigning efforts of special interest groups, the media has been found to play its role as well by being biased. Scholars have discovered deficits in three core areas when it comes to the coverage of the inheritance tax debate: 1) intensity of coverage, 2) content, 3) voices heard.<sup>[3] </sup>It is found that anti-tax voices are much louder than pro-tax opinions. It has to be questioned whether this must be attributed as a media failure or a failure of the weaker, less-funded, less organised pro-tax community.</p><p>Lastly, public opinion on inheritance tax may not only be determined by information and narratives, but also by issues concerning trust. People may know that its primarily the super-wealthy who are affected by inheritance taxes and they may be smart enough not to believe in the framed narratives of the anti-tax lobby, but they may still be against inheritance tax if they fail to trust that the superrich will actually pay their fair share. Rightfully, some people may be sceptical of increasing inheritance taxes as long as so many legal and illegal loopholes exist. Closing the loopholes would be a promising approach to win the support of generally supportive voices in society.</p><h4>Equality of opportunity as a constitutional right</h4><p>However, what if attempts to change public opinion fail, and a majority of people continue to support inheritance? Even in this case, inheritance taxes may be called for. A majority opinion is not a necessary precondition for high inheritance taxes or the abolition of inheritance. In a constitutional state, do we ask the majority of people what they think about the death penalty, about minority rights, about human dignity? No, instead we have agreed on a certain set of unconditional, unalterable constitutional rights. No tyranny of a majority can ignore them and terrorise a minority or disrespect fundamental human rights. In this sense, a liberal democracy is more than majority rule.</p><p>It is in this light that equality of opportunity needs to be considered as a constitutional right, or a right that follows straight from the most basic constitutional rights. According to many liberal constitutions, humans are born equal, free and with human dignity. If we are born equal, we must be born equal in opportunities. How can we speak about being born equal if one baby is born as a millionaire and the other in debt?<sup>[4]</sup></p><p>Equality of opportunity can not only be deducted from the constitutional principle of equality, but must also be perceived as a fundamental expression of liberty. A liberal society protects equality of opportunity. Freedom is always relative and can only be defined in relation to others. Distributing opportunities unevenly to (new) members of society increases the freedom of one party at the expense of the freedom of another party. How large is my freedom if other members of society start their life with an insurmountable advantage? How free am I if however hard I try, I will not be able to catchup?<sup>[5]</sup></p><p>Last but not least, the constitutional protection of human dignity prescribes equality of opportunity. Inequality of opportunity is an infringement of equal human worth and rights. How can dignified self-esteem arise if I am not granted the same opportunities in life than my fellow members in society?<sup>[6]</sup></p><h4>The next evolution of our constitutions</h4><p>As we have seen, constitutional rights protecting human dignity, liberty and equality also call for equality of opportunity. If constitutional rights protect equality of opportunity, they should prohibit inheritance. Inheritance means passing on privilege across generations and perpetuating inequality. Inherited privilege thus needs to be restricted to a degree where it has a negligible effect on equality of opportunity, or it needs to be abolished altogether.</p><p>If equality of opportunity can be deducted from fundamental constitutional rights, then we should aim for the abolishment of inheritance irrespective of majority opinion. The gradual historical extension of fundamental rights and equal treatment such as those of women or racial and sexual minorities were usually not put up for vote or referendum. Rather, they were pushed by minority activists and ultimately enacted by legal or political systems realising the need for change. Abolishing inheritance due to its adverse affect on equality of opportunity may thus be the next evolutionary step of our liberal, constitutional democracies.</p><div> </div><p> </p><div><p><!-- [if !supportFootnotes]--></p><h3>Further Reading</h3><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /><p><!--[endif]--></p><div><p><a title="" href="file:///H:/Andere%20Computer/Dokumente/Dokumente/startequal/Ending%20Feudalism-%20Why%20we%20need%20110%20percent%20inheritence%20tax%20and%20a%20universal%20basic%20inheritance.docx#_ftnref1"><!-- [if !supportFootnotes]--><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 8.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 150%; font-family: Raleway; mso-fareast-font-family: Raleway; mso-bidi-font-family: Raleway; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-fareast-language: DE; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;">[1]</span><!--[endif]--></a><span lang="EN-GB"> </span><span style="font-family: var(--global-body-font-family);">Bastani and Waldenström (2021): </span><span style="font-family: var(--global-body-font-family);">“Perceptions of Inherited Wealth and the Support for Inheritance Taxation”</span><span style="font-family: var(--global-body-font-family);">. Economica Volume 88, Issue 350. https://doi.org/10.1111/ecca.12359</span><br /><a style="font-family: var(--global-body-font-family);" title="" href="file:///H:/Andere%20Computer/Dokumente/Dokumente/startequal/Ending%20Feudalism-%20Why%20we%20need%20110%20percent%20inheritence%20tax%20and%20a%20universal%20basic%20inheritance.docx#_ftnref2"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 8.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 150%; font-family: Raleway; mso-fareast-font-family: Raleway; mso-bidi-font-family: Raleway; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-fareast-language: DE; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;">[2]</span></a> <span style="font-family: var(--global-body-font-family);">Prabhakar (2018): „Why do the Public Oppose Inheritance Taxes?“ In: Gaisbauer, Helmut P.; Schweiger, Gottfried and Sedmak, Clemens eds. Philosophical Explorations of Justice and Taxation: National and Global Issues. Ius Gentium: Comparative Perspectives on Law and Justice (40). Cham: Springer International Publishing, pp. 151–166. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-13458-1_10</span></p></div><div> </div><div><p><a title="" href="file:///H:/Andere%20Computer/Dokumente/Dokumente/startequal/Ending%20Feudalism-%20Why%20we%20need%20110%20percent%20inheritence%20tax%20and%20a%20universal%20basic%20inheritance.docx#_ftnref3"><!-- [if !supportFootnotes]--><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 8.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 150%; font-family: Raleway; mso-fareast-font-family: Raleway; mso-bidi-font-family: Raleway; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-fareast-language: DE; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;">[3]</span><!--[endif]--></a> Theine and Grisold (2020): „Streitfall Vermögenssteuer- Defizite in der Medienberichterstattung.“ https://d-nb.info/1220788295/34</p></div><div><p><a title="" href="file:///H:/Andere%20Computer/Dokumente/Dokumente/startequal/Ending%20Feudalism-%20Why%20we%20need%20110%20percent%20inheritence%20tax%20and%20a%20universal%20basic%20inheritance.docx#_ftnref4"><!-- [if !supportFootnotes]--><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 8.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 150%; font-family: Raleway; mso-fareast-font-family: Raleway; mso-bidi-font-family: Raleway; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-fareast-language: DE; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;">[4]</span><!--[endif]--></a> Some constitutions explicitly work with the terminus equality of opportunity, such as India’s. https://www.constitutionofindia.net/constitution_of_india/16/articles/Article%2016 </p></div><div><p><a title="" href="file:///H:/Andere%20Computer/Dokumente/Dokumente/startequal/Ending%20Feudalism-%20Why%20we%20need%20110%20percent%20inheritence%20tax%20and%20a%20universal%20basic%20inheritance.docx#_ftnref5"><!-- [if !supportFootnotes]--><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 8.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 150%; font-family: Raleway; mso-fareast-font-family: Raleway; mso-bidi-font-family: Raleway; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-fareast-language: DE; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;">[5]</span><!--[endif]--></a><span lang="EN-GB"> </span><span style="font-family: var(--global-body-font-family);">For a review of how liberal and even libertarian values can call for 100% inheritance tax, see Bird-Pollan (2013): „Death, Taxes, and Property (Rights): Nozick, Libertarianism, and the Estate Tax“. 66 Maine L. Rev. 1 https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2367774</span></p></div><div><p><a title="" href="file:///H:/Andere%20Computer/Dokumente/Dokumente/startequal/Ending%20Feudalism-%20Why%20we%20need%20110%20percent%20inheritence%20tax%20and%20a%20universal%20basic%20inheritance.docx#_ftnref6"><!-- [if !supportFootnotes]--><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 8.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 150%; font-family: Raleway; mso-fareast-font-family: Raleway; mso-bidi-font-family: Raleway; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-fareast-language: DE; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;">[6]</span><!--[endif]--></a><span lang="EN-GB"> For a discussion of human dignity in relation to inequality and wealth, </span>see Neuhäuser (2018): „Reichtum als moralisches Problem“. Suhrkamp</p></div></div>								</div>
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